Seven months ago, the country watched on television as a Russian warrior jet fell to earth in a tide of flame. It had been shot down by a Turkish warplane over the border with Syria.
The nation froze, and waited for President Vladimir Putin to respond. It was the first vital reversal of Russia’s involvement in the Syrian polite war. Two servicemen were dead. Would Russia take revenge? Hours upheld before Putin, hardly determining his anger, seemed before the cameras. This is a “stab in the back,” he said, and demanded an apology.
But Turkey’s president, Recep Erdogan, was obstinate. Annoyed by Russia’s support for his enemy, Syrian President Bashar Assad, he insisted the Russian craft had disregarded Turkish airspace. Moscow should apologize, he said, not him. As a result, tactful family ruptured, and Moscow imposed unconditional sanctions.
In late June, Erdogan dramatically corroborated down in a pierce that could finish the stalemate.
“We never had the desire or counsel goal of shooting down the plane,” Erdogan wrote in a minute to Putin published by the Kremlin. Expressing “sympathy and profound condolences to the family of the Russian pilot,” Erdogan asked Russia to “Excuse us.” He also pronounced a Turkish male suspected of killing the pilot would be prosecuted.
The aim, he after said, was to “normalize the family with Russia.” It seems to be partial of a incomparable settlement that also saw Turkey revive tactful family with Israel after a six-year hiatus.
Russian officials were jubilant. “[Ankara] famous that the idiotic position of Turkey’s care has put the country in a really formidable position,” pronounced State Duma orator Sergei Naryshkin in a radio interview.
Analysts determine that Turkey’s general station has weakened. Erdogan’s peremptory order has alienated allies in Europe and the United States. Meanwhile, his plan in Syria has failed. Assad has survived, and Kurdish militias have bolstered their position along Turkey’s southern limit with subsidy from both the United States and Russia, emboldening Kurdish nationalists inside Turkey.
“For Erdogan the primary regard is to block the emergence of a Kurdish entity,” says Vladimir Frolov, a foreign affairs researcher in Moscow. That means operative with the Kremlin, that has non-stop tactful channels with the Kurds and may be provision Kurdish army in Turkey with shoulder-mounted rockets, Frolov says.
Meanwhile, Russian embargoes on Turkish products have reduced shared trade by almost half. New visa and work restrictions have shrunk a Turkish village in Russia that numbered about 80,000 final year. Turks entering the country customarily face assertive doubt by border guards. And a anathema on package tours has left Turkish beach resorts half empty.
Some of this might now be reversed. On June 29, Putin spoke to Erdogan on the write for the initial time given the plane was downed. Putin concluded to lift the travel restrictions and begin negotiating an end to other sanctions.
But honour could sojourn a sticking point. Turkish officials have done transparent that Erdogan usually “regretted” the downing of the plane, and did not “apologize” for it. Ankara might also exclude to pay compensation, a key Russian demand.
And many Russian officials are reluctant to wipe the slate purify only yet. Turkey contingency “reject the opportunistic and selfish unfamiliar policy” in the region, says Konstantin Kosachyov, the chairman of the senate’s cabinet on foreign relations. “The reparation alone isn’t enough.”
Article source: http://www.themoscowtimes.com/article/573849.html