In Russia, coexisting investigations are frequency a coincidence. Recent developments at the behemoth Russian Railways Company are doubtful to mark an exception to that rule.
Concurrent audits of Russian Railways by the Interior Ministry, carried out at the ask of opposition politician Alexei Navalny, searches in connection with Russian Railways PR-contracts, reversal of the Central Bank’s handling permit for Russian Railways-linked Millennium Bank — such developments are no coincidence. They indicate to a concurrent debate opposite former Russian Railways conduct Vladimir Yakunin and his legacy.
Russian Railways, the country’s railway corner and operator of the biggest car fleet, is one of the largest ride companies worldwide and a pivotal post of President Vladimir Putin’s state-dominated mercantile model. It has reported annual revenues of almost 2 trillion rubles, or 2.5 percent of Russian GDP. From 2005 to 2015, Vladimir Yakunin was the uncontested CEO. Considered one of Putin’s closest business allies from his St. Petersburg team, he was sacked in August 2015.
Pressure on Russian Railways has coincided with the company’s new head, Oleg Belozerov, attempting to clean the company of Yakunin loyalists, accusing some of excessive spending damaging to the company — roughly accurately the same denunciation used by investigators in charge of the new searches. The allegations embody dear PR, limousines and dubious contracts taken out with companies tranquil by relatives of top management.
This is not the first time Russia has seen such concurrent action. In February 2008, the Russian Accounting Chamber began a high form review of major state-owned infrastructure monopoly, Transneft — the country’s case oil tube operator — in connection with purported mishandling of funds dictated for the construction of the Eastern Siberia–Far East oil tube (ESPO). The audit came a few months after the appointment of a new arch of Transneft, Nikolai Tokarev, in October 2007. In 2010, Navalny leaked the audit news to the media, exposing billions of dollars in murky exchange by Transneft subsidiaries.
The Russian Accounting Chamber’s 2008 news on the Transneft review annoyed an uproar and lead to major changes in the government of Transneft and its subsidiaries. Essentially, it brought an abrupt finish to the uncontrollable government of the company’s former chief, Semyon Vainshtock.
Belozerov finds himself in a identical conditions currently at Russian Railways, following a decade of unchecked mastery by his prototype Yakunin and his inclusive loyalists. We do not know either stream efforts to investigate Russian Railways are truly seeking to expose argumentative business practices and potential corruption, and change those things for the better, or usually to assist Belozerov in getting absolved of his predecessor’s team.
WIth Transneft, the state was fervent to close the case and hide indiscretions from the public — once new government had spotless adult the act. The 2008 Transneft review news has never been strictly published and authorities have distanced themselves from Navalny’s media leak — claiming that “things were not unequivocally that bad.” We do know that Russian Railways has been unwary when it comes to hiding extreme spending, kickbacks, and expenditure double-count.
It was held redhanded by the taxation income use for counting the same waste twice for suburban commuter sight services — a service shred prolonged claimed as “loss-generating.” For these purported losses, the company receives tens of billions of rubles in annual remuneration from the state budget. The artificial inlet of these paper “losses” was demonstrated in early Feb 2015 by the Russian Accounting Chamber. In a slight audit, it remarkable that Russian Railways had “failed to undertake measures” to reduce waste generated by commuter sight services, and that a large apportionment of expenditures originated from a obstruction of cross-payments between subsidiaries of Russian Railways.
Murky spending and accounting practices at Russian Railways are zero new — even central regulatory agencies have constructed justification of it. Lack of competition and non-transparency are common diseases within state-dominated mercantile sectors led by high-level Putin cronies.
But because now, because Russian Railways, and what does the recent vigour contend about changes within the Russian system? If one considers the state’s apparent acquiescence during prior years on widely unprotected cases of fraud and inefficiency at Russian Railways, the buzz surrounding Russian Railways points to one thing: New management, corroborated by the authorities, is expelling Yakunin’s group regulating crime allegations — the same approach it did following Transneft’s government changeover in 2008.
Once that has been accomplished, the dust will settle, and corruption will stop to newsworthy — nonetheless again.
Vladimir Milov is a president of the hospital of energy process and a former emissary appetite minister.
Article source: http://www.themoscowtimes.com/article/559235.html