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The West Blinked First in Syria (Op-Ed)

During an acute crisis, general politics mostly resembles a game of “Who blinked first?” It seems that the West has once again blinked first, this time over the Syrian crisis. Washington had released unrelenting warnings to Russia roughly daily over the past dual weeks in response to media reports that Moscow was fast expanding the troops participation in Syria.

Washington righteously warned Moscow that potentially bomb incidents could outcome if both Russian and Western bloc troops aircraft were to occupy Syrian airspace simultaneously.

Moscow responded accurately as it did during the Ukrainian crisis — by smirking and denying the presence of Russian army while concurrently deploying an air bottom nearby Latakia that U.S. officials explain now includes several Su-30 fight aircraft. Russia even versed the base with an anti-aircraft barb system — notwithstanding the fact that the Islamic State has no atmosphere force.

Washington mislaid the haughtiness as a result. U.S. troops chiefs concluded to speak by telephone with their Russian counterparts for the initial time given the crisis in Ukraine began. However, the Russians did not acknowledge to having a military participation in Syria.

As a result, U.S. Secretary of Defense Ashton Carter spent a full hour deliberating “the need to coordinate shared and multilateral efforts to combat general terrorism” with Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu — as the Defense Ministry’s central orator described the conversation. After that, what was the value of the U.S. warnings that Russian troops support for the regime of Syrian President Bashar Assad would usually lower the Syrian crisis?

That’s not all. U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry said, “The boss believes that a military-to-military review is an important subsequent step. It will assistance to define some of the opposite options that are accessible to us.” Kerry combined the caveat that Moscow and Washington reason essentially opposite positions. But then, what is the purpose of negotiating, if not to bring hostile positions closer together?

Russian Foreign Ministry mouthpiece Maria Zakharova happily responded: “We have never refused to hold a dialogue with the United States, and we are open to one now on all issues of mutual interest, including Syria.”

Even before the talks began, the West seemed to soften the position on the many supportive issue: the attitude toward Assad’s regime. Kerry immediately announced that Russia and Iran contingency convince the Syrian ruler to negotiate his depart from power with the moderate antithesis forces. However, Kerry combined the concession that the U.S. does not direct that they set a specific day or month for Assad’s departure. That non-stop the door for such negotiations to drag on indefinitely.

The final hold to that design was a report by German journal Bild am Sonntag that a CIA commission met with Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service final week in Moscow to discuss shared team-work on Syria. The newspaper reports that Washington skeleton to use comprehension activity to support Moscow’s troops actions opposite the Islamic State in Syria.

I overtly doubt that such a meeting ever took place, though if it has, it means that such team-work has already begun. If it never happened, it is value speculating as to who leaked this misinformation. we doubt it was Washington.

Thus, Moscow was means to at slightest start violation out of its general siege that had resulted from its involvement in Ukraine. By raising the stakes in Syria, the Kremlin has achieved the status of a vital actor that is indispensable to the West. Moscow will initial pull for negotiations on Assad’s departure, afterwards finagle an agreement tying Russia’s supply of weapons to the Syrian army, and so on ad infinitum.

It is a nearly accurate replay of how Moscow cunningly orchestrated the destruction of Syria’s chemical weapons. It will need many months of effort, though one excellent day the Russian emissary will direct payback for his country’s useful services — namely, by suggesting that the West forget about Crimea.

In any case, President Vladimir Putin will not have to feel wearied sitting alone in New York as he did when he attended the G20 assembly in Australia. The world’s representatives are certain to listen attentively to his debate before the UN General Assembly on Sept. 28.

I have no doubt that Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu reported to Putin in recent days that, as expected, the West incited out to be some-more bellow than bite. The West substantially tender the Kremlin with the integrity when it deployed troops army to the Baltic states, Poland and Romania, though it took a step back by showing that, distinct Putin, it is not prepared to risk the soldiers’ lives in Syria.

Unfortunately, the West’s miss of resolve could embolden Moscow toward serve adventurism. After all, the Kremlin is assured it has the right to use the soldiers’ lives in order to strengthen Russia’s standing as a superpower.

The West can't seem to switch gears and understand that the new Cold War is here to stay. The question now is not either or not to hold talks with Russia, though to the contrary, how to ensure troops confidence for both sides underneath stream conditions.

However, to achieve that the West has no choice though to speak in direct, undeniable denunciation that Putin can understand — denunciation that does not concede for conflicting interpretations. And that requires domestic willpower.

Apparently, that is a task for future Western leaders since today’s are clearly unwell to cope.

Alexander Golts is emissary editor of the online journal Yezhednevny Zhurnal.

Article source: http://www.themoscowtimes.com/article/532207.html

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