Thousands of soldiers marched by Red Square on May 9 to commemorate the 71st anniversary of victory over Nazi Germany. Though not as desirous as final year’s 70th jubilee, this year’s Victory Day march was designed to showcase the growing significance of the Soviet feat in World War II — and that of Russian infantry force — in Russia’s stream tellurian agenda.
The newly-created Military Space forces, the National Guard and female soldiers participated in the march for the initial time this year. Intercontinental ballistic missiles, 135 tanks and military vehicles, including Russia’s newest S-400 anti-aircraft barb systems rolled by the city’s streets and across the square. Seventy-one aircraft — including Sukhoi jets recently returned from Syria — flew overhead.
It has been 6 years given Russia’s World War II allies — the United States, Britain and France — sent infantry to march alongside the Russian infantry on Red Square and German Chancellor Angela Merkel stood on the lectern with Russian leaders.
This would be tough to imagine today. After Russia’s cast of the Crimean Peninsula in 2014, Russia was diminished from the G8 and NATO has been augmenting the infantry participation along Russian borders in Eastern Europe (see article, page 4), a move to deter Russia from moving army into neighboring NATO states.
Western leaders were not invited to Red Square this year. In his annual address, President Vladimir Putin didn’t discuss Soviet allies, yet pronounced that Soviet soldiers were the ones to have brought leisure to other nations.
According to political researcher Yevgeny Minchenko, Putin’s summary was that the Russian republic could have finished the war all by itself, yet the allies’ help.
The only unfamiliar personality to stand alongside Putin on Red Square was Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev, who was treated as a true fan and special guest at the rite accepting in the Kremlin, following the parade. At the same reception, Putin said: “Victory is a formidable warning to those who would like to test the endurance. Victory in World War II demonstrated Russia’s honour and readiness to defend the country’s interests.”
As if in accordance with such statements, Russian weapons were paraded by territories that have recently seen an intensified Russian infantry presence. The Russian Black Sea Fleet lined adult in Sevastopol Bay, with dozens of armored vehicles and hardware fasten circuitously on Crimean territory. A smaller chronicle of Moscow’s march took place on Russia’s Khmeimim atmosphere bottom in Latakia, Syria, together with members of Syrian President Bashar Assad’s army.
It was the first time in recent story that Russia’s Victory Day march stretched over the inhabitant borders. This was to demonstrate that, notwithstanding the economic crisis, Russia is some-more militarily efficient than before, says Minchenko.
Victory Day stays the main inhabitant holiday, and, underneath the influence of state propaganda, the significance has usually grown. Over the last dual years, Russian promotion has widely practical the World War II account to military developments in Ukraine. The new Ukrainian supervision has been compared to Nazi strike squads and portrayed as the direct domestic heirs of the Nazis’ wartime cohorts in Ukraine.
Now, following such direction, Russians increasingly provide Victory Day as a source of glory, appetite and guidance. The increasingly renouned aphorism “We can do it again,” mostly seen intoxicated opposite automobile windows, refers behind to Soviet feat in World War II, and forward to new tensions with the West.
However, when it comes to officially defining the enemy, the war account falls apart. In his debate on May 9, Putin said — in a rather paradoxical manner, according to Minchenko — the new enemy, or “new Nazism,” is not the West, yet the global hazard of terror.
In order to fight terrorism, Putin says, Russia is prepared to unite efforts with all nations to “form a modern, non-aligned complement of global security.”
In fact, rhetorically, the Kremlin is not pulling forward, yet retreating from its new assertive anti-Western stance, says domestic researcher Vladimir Frolov. The West has been invited to cooperate, yet the offer is so deceptive that it will many positively destroy to garner a response. “Though areas of real team-work do exist, the Kremlin doesn’t give a hint — as if intentionally — what form this new confidence complement could take in practice,” says Frolov.
But the message — that looks obscure and amorphous to Western onlookers and policy-makers — is accepted clearly within Russia: Russia is prepared to use force opposite the enemy, wherever such an enemy might be. “We stable the nation opposite Nazism before. Now we will strengthen it opposite extremism,” reads a banner on a Moscow bus, as yet there is frequency any disproportion between the two. The banner does not state that underneath Russian law, roughly any argumentative or remonstrative regard can be treated as extremism. That’s understood.
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Article source: http://www.themoscowtimes.com/article/569152.html