Sitting on a low leather lounge in his office, Mikhail Kasyanov looks many like he always has. There’s the same no-nonsense demeanor, the expensive fit and his smooth, low voice. He has an almost elegant character of talking, complicated and bureaucratic. He is a man who done it to the unequivocally top. For almost 4 years he reason the post of prime minister, behind before Putin nude this post of its essential domestic importance.
Back then, he never suspicion it would come to this. He didn’t design to become an outcast — publicly exposed, harassed, humiliated. He couldn’t suppose that his purpose could ever be reduced to that of a rabbit at a greyhound race.
Today, it is singular that Kasyanov ever finishes a public assembly though being pestered and egged. An activist who helped him classify a pre-election eventuality in the southern Russian city of Samara now faces rapist charges. The Chechen personality Ramzan Kadyrov posted an Instagram video of Kasyanov in the crosshairs of a sniper’s rifle. Kadyrov’s group have even followed him inside restaurants to mock him and smear his face with cake.
It went serve when Kasyanov was personally taped with a woman and saw the clip aired on national television. No antithesis personality in Russia has ever been tormented utterly so atrociously. “I was prepared for the pressure,” says Kasyanov, “but we was not expecting them to pick the lock to my unit and install bugs and cameras. It’s something customarily dual special army in Russia are means of doing: the FSB or the FSO, the Federal Security Services. we don’t know that it was. It came as a surprise.”
In his 2008 autobiography, “Without Putin,” Kasyanov is asked what he considers the most severe conditions he could face. “In chess, there is a term zugzwang,” he answers. “It’s when we can’t skip your turn, nonetheless each spin creates your position weaker.”
It’s an apt outline for the position Mikhail Kasyanov now finds himself in, with the democratic bloc he is streamer for the stirring State Duma choosing internally combusting.
The last few years have been a disaster for Russia’s magnanimous opposition. Arrests and repressions widespread fear among supporters and activists. The annexation of Crimea increased Putin’s ratings and marginalized his domestic opponents. Boris Nemtsov’s murder in February 2015 came as an almost-fatal blow. The mood is grim.
When the Democratic Coalition emerged in late Apr 2015 to campaign for the subsequent choosing cycle, it seemed as partial of a re-brand for opposition celebration PARNAS, who crucially reason the ticket position indispensable to participate in the voting. “We knew PARNAS would not get anywhere on its own,” pronounced Alexei Navalny, one of the coalition’s leaders. “We knew that we indispensable a coalition, though we’ve been outplayed by the Kremlin from the unequivocally start.”
In September 2015, the coalition put brazen corner possibilities for four informal parliaments. They were barred from standing in three of the regions and suffered a crushing better in the fourth. “But the coalition survived,” pronounced Navalny. “We knew we had to get by the 5 percent separator that’s been set at the Duma election. We knew we indispensable primaries.”
Last Dec the coalition strictly offering Kasyanov initial place on its electoral ballot. The other names would be motionless by primaries that the Russian antithesis would also use as a warm adult to the Duma elections and to attract some-more supporters. It was also motionless that the coalition would try to persuade at least dual obvious and respected open total to join Kasyanov as tip names on the ballot. Among those targeted were dual famous rock-singers, one politician, and even one good famous radio presenter. It is not an easy sell and the rare nuisance opposite Kasyanov and his allies uncover what competence be at stake. He is still intent in these negotiations, Kasyanov told The Moscow Times.
All was concluded and signed — or at least, so it seemed.
Mikhail Kasyanov says vigour to make him step down following announcement of a sex fasten is pretentious and panders to the Kremlin’s game.
In the Russian domestic elite, Kasyanov stands unequivocally many alone. Initially, he was conjunction a dissident nor even a politician. A professional proxy by nature, he worked as an economist before a move to the Finance Ministry saw him settling debts Russia had hereditary from the Soviet system. Gradually, he done his approach to the unequivocally tip as arguably the most successful Russian primary apportion in recent history.
It’s been some-more than twelve years given Putin suddenly dismissed Kasyanov. It has been speculated that the move was done from fear, a paranoia that Kasyanov competence be conspiring opposite him. Putin’s offer to stay on the group is customarily not dictated to be declined. Their final confront was in December 2004, when Kasyanov deserted Putin’s offer of a position as conduct of a new widespread bank structure. He was the only one in Russia’s tip circles to refuse such an offer, he says.
A political researcher and Kremlin insider at the time says the refusal was the natural outcome of Kasyanov’s inability to compromise when it comes to self-respect. “Kasyanov always suspicion of himself as a Russian baron. He usually couldn’t stoop,” the source said.
This was the only choice Kasyanov unequivocally made — the decision not to comply. The rest simply followed logically. “It incited out that the mission fell on me,” Kasyanov says. “As we was able, notwithstanding all the pressure, to remain independent.”
Those who know the politician pronounce of him with respect. “He’s a fop and a hedonist, and believes now he’s some kind of Che Guevara,” a former central says. “But at the same time, he is a decent chairman and has never tricked anyone.”
Kasyanov’s possess supporters acknowledge that he is not a perfect fit for his new purpose as firebrand politician. He is not a strong open speaker, and unlike Nemtsov or Navalny, it’s still formidable to imagine Kasyanov ever campaigning on the metro or at bus stops. “I am not going to change myself,” he maintains. “Yes, we all skip Nemtsov with his healthy ability for street campaigning. we am going to be on the streets to the border that we can and am gentle with. That’s what we motionless when we concluded on the coalition.”
Kasyanov is no longer popular. In late nineties he, too, was a target of the elites’ PR radio wars, when he was initial nicknamed “Misha 2 percent,” a reference to the 2-percent interest he presumably took from government financial deals as a bribe. Kasyanov says he was reminded about the nickname from Putin himself during their final assembly in December 2004. “‘Remember that name,’ he told me, ‘if we ever confirm to go over to the opposition.'” It was a threat, and it was no collision when Putin used the moniker to refer to Kasyanov during his 2011 phone-in marathon.
With Putin’s help, the nickname still sticks. Together with the fact he is vital the life of Russian aristocrat — tennis, hunting, cars, food, travel, costly leisure — Kasyanov looks some-more like a target for Navalny’s electorate, immature and leftish, penetrating to fight abounding Russian kleptocrats, than their healthy ally. Kasyanov recognizes this is a problem. “This is because we assimilated the forces, so that the bases could mount together. That is the coalition’s achievement,” he says.
“Victory has a thousand fathers, though better is an orphan,” pronounced former U.S. President John F. Kennedy. With each day, the prospect of winning an election looks ever bleaker, and Kasyanov’s allies start ask where his genuine electoral bottom is. The primaries are unwell after customarily few thousand activists sealed up. The tension and the censure diversion within the coalition was easy to predict.
Genie Out of the Bottle
The opposition stay is used to intimidation and repression. Boris Nemtsov was killed. Alexei Navalny has been criminialized from taking partial in the election; his hermit sits in jail. Ilya Yashin went by nuisance identical to Kasyanov. Standing opposite the Kremlin final aplomb and all of them have bravery and character. And yet the Kremlin has succeeded in driving a wedge between them.
A week after the covert film of Kasyanov was aired on television, bloc co-leader Ilya Yashin suddenly announced that he would repel from the primaries. Despite sympathizing with Kasyanov on a personal level, he pronounced that the tape would still means critical domestic damage. He announced it a mistake to appoint a leader who would immediately turn the target of the Kremlin’s attacks.
His stipulation was a starting gun. Kasyanov was indicted of weighing the coalition down, of causing a huge disastrous rating that detered supporters, of under-funding the campaign. He was not delivering as was expected, not fulfilling his promises, spending too many time abroad. He was vital a self-indulgent lifestyle. The secret tapes, his allies kept saying, suggested that he had been deliberating the infighting between his possess allies with a team member.
“It was all ascent up, and after that video it’s unfit to campaign at all,” pronounced Vladimir Milov, one of the leaders of coalition’s Demokratichesky Vybor Party.
Leonid Volkov, Alexei Navalny’s longtime debate manager, agreed. “We never believed he would stay at the helm after what happened,” he said. “We suspicion he would act responsibly and take the heat off us. That’s what would occur in any other country.”
Their final are clear: Kasyanov has to step down from his tip position on the list and take partial in primaries with the other candidates. “Yashin done a mistake and there is no reason because the agreement should be reconsidered,” pronounced Denis Bilunov, bloc member and co-founder of the Dec 5th Party. “But given the genie is out of the bottle, the issue should be addressed.”
Kasyanov is personification hardball. He is not creation any concessions. He insists that the tape can't be taken as an argument. “Revising the agreements underneath the Kremlin’s vigour is weakness,” he says. “It’s damaging and it’s impossible. Not customarily am we not similar with these arguments, we am not even entering this discussion. The rules were set consensually. The match is on. we am going customarily forward.”
As he speaks, Kasyanov shows a convincing resolve. But, many probably, he understands that this quarrel is already lost, at least this time round. He knows that he will make small impact on the rebellion warmed by the Kremlin’s growth operation and now distracted within his camp.
There is also small doubt he will be the last to leave the sinking ship. He has been by zugzwang before and made his customarily choice — roughly twelve years ago.
Article source: http://www.themoscowtimes.com/article/566831.html